On 30 August 2008, a dalit–bahujan solidarity march and meet were conducted; the procession of around 2000 people carrying food and medicines for the protesters of Chengara started from Payyanam and were blocked by the Police at Konnappara near Chengara, following which the processionists sat on the road and blockaded the transport.

Participants of this march included dalit activists K.K Kochu, Sunny M Kapikkadu, M.D Thomas, K Ambujakshan (State President of Kerala Dalit Panthers), Sreeraman Koyyon (leader of Adivasi Gotra Jana Sabha, AGJS), P. Ramabhadran (President, Kerala Dalit Federation), Rekha Raj of Panchami Dalit Feminist Collective, Niranam Bhadrasanam Bishop Mar Geevarghese Koorilose and Maya S of Sthreevedi.

The trade unions (CPM, Congress and BJP combined) have announced their Chengara march for the eviction of the protesters on 3rd September. Meanwhile, the CPIM owned ‘ Vismaya Amusement Park ’ (!) was inaugurated in Kannur yesterday; Chief Minister V S Achuthanandan was conspicuous, as usual, by his absence on the occasion.

In the complete vacuum of ideological and political opposition to the anti-democratic policies of the CPM –led govt. in Kerala, in the continuing socio-cultural segregation of dalits and adivasis in the state and, in the absence of a “radical left” similar to those who have been vehemently supporting land struggles of dalits and adivasis in some other parts in India, the Chengara struggle puts forward a strong case of alternate democratic movement led by dalits and adivasis in Kerala. If the Sadhu Jana Vimochana Samyuktha Vedi (SJVSV) and its supporters can mobilize the dalit-bahujan forces from across the state in larger numbers in the coming days, that would mark a significant turn in Kerala politics;

It is a pity however that a dalit leader like Mayawati who projects herself as a national leader with her ‘brand of power politics’ doesn’t seem to be much interested in movements such as Chengara that has sprung up from dalits and adivasis at the grass roots level – a big question mark on the anti-caste credentials of the budding BSP in the state.

If CPM wants to fight against the caste system, their tools for such fight, I mean the class analyses, had proved insufficient and they need to address contextually in India, what it is to be marginalized and oppressed in caste terms very thoroughly. One has to listen to the worst sufferers of the system, and ask oneself how s/he is contributing to the perpetuation of such a system. I think when Samkutty wondered why the CPM did not take an oath along with all the members of the party to fight against the caste system, he must’ve precisely meant the fight to be waged in oneself primarily rather than settling down to ‘uplifting and reforming others’ as if the evils of caste system are some monsters hovering outside. To me it appears quite natural that in the specific context of Kerala, dalit intelligentsia engage in a debate with the proponents of class theory, for the latter held sway over ‘revolutionary’ ideas regarding social change. And, in the specific struggle of Chengara now, dalits and adivasis are posed against the ruling left front and they had based their struggle on the question of land, knowing well that it is them who are left out time and again in the land reforms in Kerala. Land here, is not a limiting factor, but a basic element to assert the right to resources for dalits and adivasis.

Dalit uprising has been happening in India for a long time in many forms and the emphasis on ‘self representation’ is a vital aspect of it, no doubt. Chengara struggle started from the independent assertion of dalits and adivasis, and many other agencies joined or extended support thereafter. The signatories to the online petition for Chengara and the comments therein are also testimonies to the wider and varied forms of support it is gaining for the health of democracy, I hope.

What I suspect is not the class/caste debate which I find a necessary engagement particularly in the context of Kerala but the tendencies to undermine the dalit uprising and its leadership by those who have better access and links with the media, pushing the question of caste oppression again to the back seat.

Thats an unwarranted swipe at Marxism!

The CPIM is a statist party. It recognizes populations through state categories. Scheduled castes is one such. For people steeped in CPIM’s rhetoric in Kerala and West Bengal it may seem counterintuitive, but the party’s idea of working class itself is a state category. Take away the party’s legally registered trade unions and it has no working class left. Samkutty is of course right to points out that the SNG’s anticaste movement made no sense to the CPIM until it turned it into chethu thozhilali unions. The point here however is not that the CPIM understands ezhava caste in terms of unmarked ‘labor’. It understands it in terms of a registered trade union with so many members.!

What does this have to do with Marxism of any kind leave alone all kinds ? ‘

It follows then that in Kerala, or in Bengal, or anywhere else, the CPIM has to necessarily attach other atributes like landlessness or unemployment or illiteracy or whatever to the dalit or to the adivasi.

The state enumerates deficiencies and gives caste certificates so that holders of those certificates can become eligible for preferential allotment in land, jobs and education. That is what a developmental state can give. That is why castes and tribes are scheduled. That is what the CPIM can fight for. If that is not what the fight is about, then the CPIM has little to offer. So it forcibly turns everything into something that it can understand. And people are some times willing to be turned into something that the party understands, because there are benefits.

I am actually curious to know if you see the ‘dalit’ self representation by itself as signaling an uprising of the downtrodden, an outright rejection of these state authorized forms of politics practiced by the CPIM and all other parliamentary political parties. Is there anyone saying we dont want caste cetificates ?

I am sure it is more – much much more than fighting for jobs, land assignments and college admissions and legislations on atrocities against scheduled caste acts and prosecutions and so on. But is it a rejection ? Is it radically different ? How ?

Please all those who are concerned join us for a Protest at Kerala Bhavan:

Also tell your friends and bring as many people as possible.

Voices of protest in Delhi will surely make a difference

Assemble in front of Kerala Bhavan on Saturday 23rd August 2008
Time: 2.30 pm