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Jai Bhim, Comrade Patwardhan

March 21, 2012

How many murdered Dalits does it take to wake up a nation? Ten? A thousand? A hundred thousand? We’re still counting, as Anand Patwardhan shows in his path-breaking film Jai Bhim Comrade (2011). Not only are we counting, but we’re counting cynically, calculating, dissembling, worried that we may accidentally dole out more than ‘they’ deserve. So we calibrate our sympathy, our policies and our justice mechanisms just so. So that the upper caste killers of Bhaiyyalal Bhotmange’s family get life imprisonment for parading Priyanka Bhotmange naked before killing her, her brother and other members of the family in Khairlanji village in Maharashtra, but the court finds no evidence that this may be a crime of hatred – a ‘caste atrocity’ as it is termed in India. Patwardhan’s film documents the twisted tale of Khairlanji briefly before moving to a Maratha rally in Mumbai, where pumped-up youths, high on testosterone and the bloody miracle of their upper caste birth are dancing on the streets, brandishing cardboard swords and demanding job reservations (the film effectively demolishes the myth that caste consciousness and caste mobilisation are only practised by the so-called ‘lower castes’). Asked on camera about the Khairlanji murders, one Maratha manoos suspends his cheering to offer an explanation. That girl’s character was so loose, he says, that the entire village decided to teach her a lesson.

Hmm. Perhaps, after being raped, paraded naked and killed, she will re-evaluate her choices, in particular of being Dalit and female? Caste has always offered a lovely way out of the ethics of taking life in India – as an upper caste (male) person, you are given a package deal – express your loathing of the lower orders, get a little sexual excitement if the victim is female, AND re-establish the rule of dharma in the community. Which right-thinking savarna man wouldn’t jump at this offer? And so the hate crimes continue in their depressing uniformity. One has to wonder what imagination of morality must put the adrenalin into the limbs of men who are able, at the right moment, to know exactly what to do, which limbs to hack, which clothes to tear off and how to celebrate afterwards. To express through their bodies and words a hatred that can only be satiated by the utter dehumanisation of their victims and of themselves. Weeks and months after the crime, perhaps decades later as old men, do they sit in their armchairs and feel a twinge?

We will never know. In the meanwhile, Patwardhan offers us this labour of love, this labour of anguish, shot and edited over fourteen years in a city he calls home, Mumbai. Starting with the suicide of a friend – the gifted Dalit poet-singer Vilas Ghogre – Patwardhan delves into the making of what I have called elsewhere ‘one tragic statistic’. Patwardhan discovers that Ghogre hanged himself from the ceiling of his tiny hut a few days after visiting Ramabai Colony – a predominantly Dalit slum in Mumbai that had just lost eleven of its residents (including a boy) in police firing. That was the last straw for Ghogre – a poet and singer, humiliated by lifelong poverty and having been expelled from the Communist party for ‘deviations’ from the path, Ghogre decided, as his friend and comrade puts it in the film, that “this country was not worth living in.” Jai Bhim Comrade is about Ghogre’s death and Bhai Sangare’s death and other Dalit deaths; it is primarily about connections that we prefer not to make, a million synapses and nerve-endings that even the most sensitive of us must cauterise to live our alienated lives in “this country”. This country, which treats 165 million of its population as if they deserved to clean our shit and unblock our sewers, lie low, remain invisible, not dare to form a party, unionise or God forbid, observe their dirty festivals in our public space. Including Ambedkar Jayanti, a joyous annual celebration of the life and teaching of the only national leader, Patwardhan reminds us, whose popularity continues to grow long after his death. A leader whose prediction that without a social revolution, the political revolution of independence would become meaningless has been coming true for the past six-odd decades. But Jai Bhim Comrade is not a depressing film – it is a profoundly layered meditation, a sombre one, certainly, on the matrix of power and blindness that buttresses our society. It is a provocative, sometimes angry tribute to a lost hope – the hope that the Left movement and the Dalit movement in this country could speak to each other, a hope that flickered in the seventies and eighties with the formation of the Dalit Panthers but was swallowed either in bitter feuds or in mind-numbing discussions of the party line on ‘The Caste Question’. Above all else, Jai Bhim Comrade is a film about music and poetry – the music and poetry of those who often have little else. Bursting out of loudspeakers and drums and one-stringed instruments, riding on the beautiful young voice of Sheetal Sathe of the Kabir Kala Manch, soaring over rooftops and narrow streets in shanties and slums, spurring on an ancient Dalit woman to dance at a midnight concert, this music cannot be contained. Hopefully, the revolution can’t be, either. Jai Bhim Comrade.

Read more reviews of the film here, and here; and if it is being screened near you, please make time to watch it.

24 Comments leave one →
  1. Ram Sharma permalink
    March 21, 2012 9:58 AM

    An interesting article and, may be, a good introduction to a Political Science Thesis. In order to be truly scientific, a political scientist need to explore in depth why Comrades and Dalits could not come together, their political goals did not fuse/coalesce, in spite of the former’s heart aching for the latter’s social and economic miseries. Because of my UP village upbringing, I can point towards a few facts for a leftist political scientist to ponder over, analyze and explain. (1) Comrades may not subscribe to Hindu caste system, but their leaders mostly come from the upper castes, particularly Brahmins. Dalits, on the other hand, have been non-existent in Communist leadership. It is not uncommon to see a Brahmin, Bhumihar Brahmin or Kayastha debating Carl Marx and Communism and sympathizing with the downtrodden in the society in a coffee house setting that wins little Dalits trust. (2) Most atrocities on Dalits are committed by the middle castes, and rarely by Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Kayasthas or Baniyas . One just has to read news papers or live in a village to ascertain this fact. (3) The middles castes Mandalized as OBCs (Yadavs in particular), while using Socialist label, are often inimical towards Dalits. But Comrades, in general, are friendlier to Dalit-hating OBC pseudo- Socialists than Dalit non-Socialists. Then how can a Dalit trust the sincerity of the upper caste Comrade. (4) The Dalit issue is purely economic, in my opinion. For instance, Ambedkar, JagJivan Ram like leaders in past and Mayawati, Meera Kumar or Pasawan like in present, and numerous SC bureaucrats, live prosperously and honorably, no less than an upper caste Hindu or Muslim. It is unfortunate that shit has to be cleaned the way it is done in India. But it is done by low caste Hindus (and Muslims) who are extremely poor. Economic progress is the only answer when shit does not pile publically, so no need to clean. Leftists who cry for shit cleaners should suggest who should do it? Will a Brahmin Comrade who derides caste system do it? It is not the same as making a documentary. (5) Once in an AC Train-Compartment a prosperous looking elderly gentleman was advocating agitatedly for class war, revolution and victory of have-nots. I asked politely, if such a war happened, which side he would take? This is the dilemma a believer in leftist philosophy faces with the leftist politician and probably explains why the leftist ideals have remained a lip service even in Communist ruled states and Dalits developed little faith in leftism.

    • kumarpushp permalink
      March 24, 2012 10:17 PM

      Mr Ram Sharma Hindu is Hindu whether he is communist or RSS, you mentioned that all atrocities are being done by OBCS it is correct but why hindus are showing bravery to kill or rape dalits men and women because they are illiterate and no lands because all lands had been taken by manu and his clans.JNU is being ruled by hindu communist who are hindus first then communist second. these JNU brand communist are more dangerous than RSS and BJP because they will say they donot believe in Manu and his dharma but believe in spirituality of Hinduism.Dalits knows who are enemy and who are friend.All hindus are enemies of dalits. 166 million dalits are in India all atrocities on dalits are being done by Hindus only and otherside 120 million muslims are in India but none of atrocities on dalitsmhad done by Muslims.Dalits have to kick the communist first.

  2. manash permalink
    March 21, 2012 3:27 PM

    It is precisely because Patwardhan’s film is poignant and distressing that it is full of hope. An optimistic film would have been depressing. I felt the amount of singing and love for music keeps so much of the Dalit spirit alive and becomes an integral part of Dalit politics. The state now wants to throttle even that voice of music by inventing lies against it. There is no thinking, no politics which doesn’t confront the roots of power, and Dalit politics acquires its teeth from such a confrontation which has been forced upon them since ages. This politics of recognition has been neglected with dogmatic stupidity by the Indian left. It is also time, as both Patwardhan and Gopal Guru reiterated in the JNU screening, to acknowledge, however critically, Gandhi’s contribution against the upper caste mindset of untouchability by making scavenging work compulsory for everyone in his ashrams, etc, even though Gandhi had shortcomings vis-a-vis his understanding of the caste system itself. Anand’s film is also a great tribute to the political responsibilities of friendship. An honest review of a brutally honest film: Jai Bhim, comrade Sunalini :)

  3. venukmwpb permalink
    March 21, 2012 4:03 PM

    While we were taught the history of freedom struggles most school lessons used to characterize Mahadeva Govinda Ranade as a soft liner comparing him with his contemporary Balagangadhara Tilak, who had the image of a die hard fighter of India’s independence. We were too young to ask which India’s independence these Congress/Hindu hard liners represented.
    Many years later, I stumbled on a wonderful text by Ambedkar,comparing the leaders who represented the struggle for political freedom and those who worked with sharper understanding of the social reality.and hence represented the movement for social reforms.
    I am tempted to quote from Ambedkar,in RANADE, GANDHI AND JINNAH(Address delivered on the 101st Birthday Celebration of MAHADEO GOVIND RANADE held on the 18th January 1943 in the Gokhale Memorial Hall, Poona
    First Published: 1943 Reprinted from the first edition of 1943
    Ranade was not only wise but he was also logical. He told his opponents against playing the part of Political Radicals and Social Tones. In clear and unmistakable terms he warned them saying :

    ” You canned be liberal by halves. You cannot be liberal in politics and conservative in religion. The heart and the head must go together. You cannot cultivate your intellect, enrich your mind, enlarge the sphere of your political rights and privileges, and at the same time keep your hearts closed and cramped. It is an idle dream to expect men to remain enchained and enshackled in their own superstition and social evils, while they are struggling hard to win rights and privileges from their rulers. Before long these vain dreamers will find their dreams lost.

    Experience has shown that these words of Ranade have been true, even prophetic. Let those who deny this consider : Where are we today in politics and why are we where we are ‘? It is now 50 years since the National Congress was born. Its stewardship has passed hands, I won’t say from the sane to the insane, or from realists to idealists, but from moderates to radicals. Where does the country stand today at the end of 50 years of political marching ? What is the cause of this deadlock ? The answer is simple. The cause of deadlock is the absence of Communal settlement. Ask why is communal settlement necessary for political settlement and you realize the fundamental importance of the stand that Ranade took. For the answer to this question is to be found in the wrong social system, which is too undemocratic, too over-weighed in favour of the classes and against the masses, too class conscious and too communally minded. Political democracy would become a complete travesty if it were built upon its foundations. That is why nobody except the high caste Hindus will agree to make it the case of a political Democracy without serious adjustments. Well may some people argue to their satisfaction that the deadlock is the creation of the British Government. People like to entertain thoughts which sooth them and which throw responsibility on others- This is the psychology of escapism. But it cannot alter the fact that it is the defects of social system which has given rise to the communal problem and which has stood in the way of India getting political power.

    Ranade’s aim was to cleanse the old order if not to build a new one. He insisted on improving the moral tone of Hindu society. If he had been heard and followed, the system would have at least lost its rigours and its rigidity. If it could not have avoided Communal settlement it would have made it easy. For his attempts, limited as they were, would have opened the way to mutual trust. But the politicals had developed a passion for political power which had so completely blinded them that they refused to see virtue in anything else. Ranade has had his revenge. Is not the grant of political safeguard a penalty for denying the necessity of social reform ?”
    I hope that the latest Patwardhan film JAI BHIM COMRADE with the debates on the beautiful post here will serve to deal with many lacunae in properly understanding the caste- class dynamic of contemporary life in India.

  4. venukmwpb permalink
    March 21, 2012 4:10 PM

    While we were taught the history of freedom struggles most school lessons used to characterize Mahadeva Govinda Ranade as a soft liner comparing him with his contemporary Balagangadhara Tilak, who had the image of a die hard fighter of India’s independence. We were too young to ask which India’s independence these Congress/Hindu hard liners represented.
    Many years later, I stumbled on a wonderful text by Ambedkar,comparing the leaders who represented the struggle for political freedom and those who worked with sharper understanding of the social reality.and hence represented the movement for social reforms.:
    “Ranade was not only wise but he was also logical. He told his opponents against playing the part of Political Radicals and Social Tones. In clear and unmistakable terms he warned them saying :
    ” You can’t be liberal by halves. You cannot be liberal in politics and conservative in religion. The heart and the head must go together. You cannot cultivate your intellect, enrich your mind, enlarge the sphere of your political rights and privileges, and at the same time keep your hearts closed and cramped. It is an idle dream to expect men to remain enchained and enshackled in their own superstition and social evils, while they are struggling hard to win rights and privileges from their rulers. Before long these vain dreamers will find their dreams lost.
    Experience has shown that these words of Ranade have been true, even prophetic. Let those who deny this consider : Where are we today in politics and why are we where we are ‘? It is now 50 years since the National Congress was born. Its stewardship has passed hands, I won’t say from the sane to the insane, or from realists to idealists, but from moderates to radicals. Where does the country stand today at the end of 50 years of political marching ? What is the cause of this deadlock ? The answer is simple. The cause of deadlock is the absence of Communal settlement. Ask why is communal settlement necessary for political settlement and you realize the fundamental importance of the stand that Ranade took. For the answer to this question is to be found in the wrong social system, which is too undemocratic, too over-weighed in favour of the classes and against the masses, too class conscious and too communally minded. Political democracy would become a complete travesty if it were built upon its foundations. That is why nobody except the high caste Hindus will agree to make it the case of a political Democracy without serious adjustments. Well may some people argue to their satisfaction that the deadlock is the creation of the British Government. People like to entertain thoughts which sooth them and which throw responsibility on others- This is the psychology of escapism. But it cannot alter the fact that it is the defects of social system which has given rise to the communal problem and which has stood in the way of India getting political power.
    Ranade’s aim was to cleanse the old order if not to build a new one. He insisted on improving the moral tone of Hindu society. If he had been heard and followed, the system would have at least lost its rigours and its rigidity. If it could not have avoided Communal settlement it would have made it easy. For his attempts, limited as they were, would have opened the way to mutual trust. But the politicals had developed a passion for political power which had so completely blinded them that they refused to see virtue in anything else. Ranade has had his revenge. Is not the grant of political safeguard a penalty for denying the necessity of social reform ?

    How much did Ranade achieve in the field in which he played so dominant a part ? In a certain sense the question is not very important. Achievement is never the true measure of greatness. ” Alas “, as Carlyle said, ” we know very well that ideals can never be completely embodied in practice. Ideals must ever lie a very great way off ; and we will right thankfully content ourselves with any not intolerable approximation thereto! ” Let no man, as Schillar says, too querulously “measure by a scale of perfection the meagre product of reality ” In this poor world of ours. We will esteem him no wise man ; we will esteem him a sickly discontented foolish man. And yet Ranade’s record of achievement was not altogether bare. The problems facing the then social reformers contained in the statement on social reform prepared by Rai Bahadur P. Anandcharly were five : ( 1 ) early marriage ; (2) remarriages of widows ; (3) liberty for our countrymen to travel——or sojourn in foreign lands ; (4) women’s rights of property and (5) education of women. Of this programme he achieved a great part. If he did not achieve all, there were the odds against him, which should never be forgotten. A clever, determined and an insincere intelligentsia came forward to defend orthodoxy and give battle, to Ranade. The scenes were exciting, as exciting as those of a dread grim of battle. And battle it was. One cannot recall the spirit of the time when this controversy over social reform was raging in this country. It is not possible for decency to enter into the abuses that were hurled, the calumnies that were uttered, the strategies that were employed by the orthodox section against the Social Reformers. It is impossible to read the writing of those who supported orthodoxy in their opposition to the Age of Consent Bill without realizing the depth of the degradation to which the so-called leaders of the peoples had fallen. The Bill aimed to punish a husband who would have sexual intercourse with his wife if she had not attained the age of 12. Could any sane man, could any man with a sense of shame oppose so simple a measure ? But it was opposed, and Ranade had to bear the brunt of the mad orthodoxy. Assuming that Ranade’s achievements were small ; who could take pride or exultation in his failure to achieve more ? There was no cause for exultation. The decline of social reform was quite natural. The odium of social reform was too great. The appeal of political power too alluring. The result was that social reform found fewer and fewer adherents. In course of time the platform of the Social Reform Conference was deserted and men flocked to the Indian National Congress. The politicians triumphed over the social reformers. I am sure that nobody will now allow that their triumph was a matter for pride. It is certainly a matter of sorrow. Ranade may not have been altogether on the winning side, but he was not on the wrong side and certainly never on the side of the wrong as some of his opponents were.” [RANADE, GANDHI AND JINNAH]
    I hope that Patwardhan’s latest film with the beautiful post here will generate valuable discussions on the caste-class dynamic of contemporary Indian life.

    • Ram Sharma permalink
      March 22, 2012 1:19 AM

      I am not sure in what context Mr Mahadeva Ranade is being discussed here. I did study about him in my Junior High, as a freedom fighter, reformer and mentor of GK Gokhale. These two and BG Tilak were Maharashtrian Brahmins of same clan, conservative in their personal lives, advocating social reforms and fighting for India’s freedom. Only their approach was different. Gandhi was in middle, but closer to Ranade-Gokhale line. Was any one poor or a Dalit? Certainly not. And that is my problem. Why a well to do Brahmin, such as Patwardhan, or other upper caste Hindu becomes Communist, speaks in favour of Dalits and social and economic revolution, but a prominent Dalit, such as Ambedkar, Jagjivan Babu or even Mayawati or ordinary Dalits are not swayed by them? Can any one enlighten me on this paradox? I would prefer to hear from a Dalit Comrade, if such a thing exists.

      • kumarpushp permalink
        March 24, 2012 10:05 PM

        Tilak was as barbaric as Gandhi, when Dr Ambedkar had asked his followers not to skinned the dead cow then Tilak told dalits that Dr Ambedkar wants that youloose your income by selling cow skin .same time Dr Ambedkar had replied to Tilak ask tour clan member to take dalits jobs and skinned your mother so you will get double income.166 million dalits Keep Tilak in same place where they Keep RSS and BJP.

  5. Ravish permalink
    March 22, 2012 12:13 AM

    Read another thought provoking review in Hindi by Uday Shankar
    जय भीम कॉमरेड: अम्बेडकरवादी आन्दोलन की सांस्कृतिक भव्यता और राजनीतिक विपन्नता के अंतर्द्वंद की पड़ताल
    JBC: Investigating the dialectics of cultural splendor and political deprivation in ambedkarite movement
    1.http://tirchheespelling.blogspot.in/2012/03/blog-post_17.html
    2.http://bargad.org/2012/03/18/documentary-jai-bhim-comrade/
    3.http://mohallalive.com/2012/03/18/uday-shankar-on-jai-bhim-comrade-a-film-made-by-anand-patwardhan/

  6. mohit permalink
    March 22, 2012 3:02 AM

    This is really need of hour through alternative cinema, whereas mainstream cinema having affair with making meaning with appeasement/desire manoeuvre.

  7. March 22, 2012 9:33 AM

    Why “I am not sure in what context Mr Mahadeva Ranade is being discussed here”….

    I thought we were discussing the film on Ambedkar and hence Ambedkar’s views on MG Ranade as an advocate of radical reforms, in comparison with those of Jinnah and Gandhi who were more concerned with expediting the movement for capturing political power sans the agenda of social reforms.
    Venu

  8. Sunalini Kumar permalink*
    March 23, 2012 10:51 AM

    Ram Sharma, why do you assume that Dalits must be ‘swayed’ at all? if they find something of merit in anybody position, they may decide to listen. And of course there are Dalit comrades, Vilas Ghogre was one of them. There are Dalit non-comrades. And there are non-Dalit non-comrades. And of course non-Dalit comrades. I mean, it’s a complex picture! Some Dalits were attracted to Gandhi, many were disappointed in him, just as Patwardhan’s film will be received differently by different audiences and individuals. I was present at a screening of the film in the colony where the firing took place – a predominantly Dailt audience sat silently through the film and asked thoughtful questions later. They were disturbed and angry having relived their trauma, but also proud that somebody was telling the story.
    Ravish, I enjoyed reading Uday Shankar’s post too. In particular he makes a very important point regarding whether a rationalist distinction between ‘followers’ and ‘disciples’ (a distinction that Ambedkar himself made apparently) had helped radical social and political movements in general.

    • Ram Sharma permalink
      March 24, 2012 7:01 AM

      Sunalini, I appreciate your wise response. Yes, Dalits should do what is good for their community and to themselves. I wish other Kafila Comrades were as democratic. I saw trailer of Patwardhan’s documentary on UTube and read Uady Shankar’s post. Uday Shankar spoke of “Peshewar” leftists. I wish they were in minority, but they are not. I am also bitter about the elitist leftism (JNU brand) that has done a great damage to the leftist cause. It has stolen the voice of poor and deprived for individual gains. But I wish to be wrong, if it has impacted their lives too in some way. Thanks for letting me speak.

      • Sunalini Kumar permalink*
        March 24, 2012 11:17 AM

        Ram Sharma, I’m not sure what you mean by ‘undemocratic’ behaviour. Simply allowing anything and everything to exist (including previous comments of yours which may have been disrespectful or a form of hate speech and hence not allowed) is not democracy. Having a debate within the norms of non-violence and equality is democratic. The minute one steps off these twin pillars of non-violence (by using hateful language or deliberately misrepresenting your opponent) and equality (by asserting power or threatening violence – mental or physical) you are already on very different terrain. I also feel it is a tired old political tactic to berate anything one disagrees with as ‘elitist’. Sure, JNU communism can be elitist. But so can centrism or right-wingism. Because Leftists take it upon themselves to rid themselves of elitism and often fail, doesn’t mean the non-Leftists should be unburdened of this pressure. If you hate elitism, please hate elitism equally, in whichever political shape and size it appears. I find this very funny. Why don’t we call Mukesh Ambani or Narendra Modi elitst? Just yesterday in the paper, I saw Mukesh Ambani Foundation awards for social justice, women empowerment (what the hell does that term mean?) blah blah. Grab the land of entire communities and award a few individuals, and you are absolved of the blame of elitism. Modi bends over backwards to pamper Indian and foreign businessmen and local party bosses, wants to make Gujarat a corporate brand, throws tribals off their land for the Sardar Sarovar Dam, but because he claims to speak for the ordinary Hindu, he is not elitist! Every Indian who owns a car or house or even a cellphone in this country should be called elitist, given how many million Indians don’t even get two square meals a day. Please have no illusions, EVERYBODY in this country is stealing from the poor to line their pockets, because that is the model of development we have chosen. Some leftists are included in this list too, of course. But their crime seems to be that they have publicly committed to being non-elitist. So what you should be talking about is hypocrisy, not pure elitism. But then, you’d find very few non-poor Indians who would openly speak against the poor. If you have moral outrage, Ram Sharma, please direct it equally and fairly, that is what I ask of you. By the way, Uday Shankar’s post spoke of ‘peshewar’ intellectuals and critics, not leftists.

  9. Shashi permalink
    March 30, 2012 9:56 AM

    Sunalini a raw and moving article about the connection between our disconnect and continuous and ongoing caste gender class atrocities. Keep writing best wishes shashi

  10. Sunalini Kumar permalink*
    March 31, 2012 10:10 AM

    Dear Shashi, Thanks for your encouragement :)

  11. Sunalini Kumar permalink*
    April 5, 2012 9:29 PM

    For those in Delhi: To commemorate the 121st birth anniversary of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, Navayana presents a screening of Anand Patwardhan’s film Jai Bhim Comrade

    Date: 9 April 2012
    Venue: Stein Auditorium, India Habitat Centre, New Delhi
    Time: 6.45 p.m.
    Duration: 3 hours and 18 minutes

  12. kuldeep,agra permalink
    June 11, 2012 8:41 AM

    abhi tak jyada cuchh change nahi hua,aj bhi dalito ka soshan apne charam par hai,ye maharashtra to ek bangi hai sare desh me yahi condition hai.apne ko agadi jati ka batane wale aj bhi sabhi prakar se salito ka soshan kar rahe hai.sarkare bhi agado ki hi favour karti hai lekin nautanki esi karti hai ki dalito ka bhala kar rahi hai.aj bhi 50 department ese hai jaha reservation nahi diya jata.kaise bhala hoga dalito ka.bhaiyo jago utho aur apne hak ko hasil karo.sab ek ho jao.kuldeep,agra

  13. bharat permalink
    June 21, 2013 1:30 AM

    i think we can see think movie from here (https://thepiratebay.sx/torrent/8448968/Jai_Bhim_Comrade_-_Anand_Patwardhan_-_Excellent_Documentary) since i do not think most of us can and/or would pay rs2360 for a movie!
    i feel it just about explains clearly the problems dalits are facing now
    as an optimist i think there is some hope for them using ambedkar thoughts but they must be careful in using them (must learn from earlier mistakes and better implementation)
    most importantly i think they must realize that its an everyday revolution(curfew) for them so they must be sharp in knowledge or others will kill there dreams again

Trackbacks

  1. Jai Bhim, Comrade Patwardhan | Bargad… बरगद…
  2. Ratna Pathak Shah- Speaks for Kabir Kala Manch « Kabir Kala Manch- Defense Committee
  3. KKM defence Committee to meet CM for Kabir Kala Manch activists « Kabir Kala Manch- Defence Committee
  4. People must have space to express anger against injustice « Kabir Kala Manch- Defence Committee
  5. Jai Bhim Comrade, 9 April 2012 | Navayana |

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